Showing posts with label Loyalty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Loyalty. Show all posts

Friday, January 7, 2011

FDC meets mixed fortunes in the Shs500 fundraising drive


Three weeks after launching the Shs500 per-voter-per-week fund-raising drive, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) says it has received  overwhelming response from supporters. 

The FDC is further encouraging its supporters to embrace the party’s campaign strategy dubbed “the Power of Five” by recruiting more members and create chain support for regime change on February 18, 2011. 

Speaking to reporters at the party headquarters in Najjanankumbi on Dec. 16, the Interparty Cooperation Director of Communication and Publicity, Margret Wokuri (pictured) said the amount of the first contributions from the Shs500-per voter fundraising drive would be announced soon. The fundraising through mobile money transfer system is a new innovation in Uganda’s politics.


However, the fundraising has encountered hurdles especially regarding contribution of Shs 500 through MTN mobile money service which does not accept amount less than Shs5000. Some supporters also would send money as airtime yet the telecom companies do not convert the airtime into cash. 

Sometimes the supporters would call the specified deposit telephone numbers making them busy and hard for other supporters to send their contributions on the same lines. 

However, Wokuri said most of the hurdles have been sorted out and the supporters can continue contributing to the cause for change. She said IPC and MTN agreed that supporters can now send Shs800 via mobile money where Shs300 will go to the telecommunication company and Shs500 to the IPC account. This is happening only on the MTN network. Wokuri said Airtel and Utl continue to accept Shs500 donations via their mobile money transfer systems.

To rectify the challenges, the IPC has advised its supporters to continue sending their donations on 0776433555, 0756755555, or 0718932055. For clarifications about the fundraising, supporters are advised to call 0704903658.  

“The essence of fundraising is not to raise money but to draw commitment. If someone put their money in this campaign, it shows they are determined to vote us and they cannot be bought off or intimidated to change their mind. The fundraising is aimed at encouraging Ugandans to work towards getting change of government through recruiting more supporters and new recruits bringing others on board,” Wokuri said.

IPC supporters can contribute any amount but Shs500 is the minimum. Contributions are received from anybody wherever they are. 

The IPC urged its candidates at all levels to emphasise the Power of Five campaign strategy based on the five critical national issues: jobs and  economic empowerment; quality education; a functional healthcare system; roads and infrastructure; and support to farmers and agriculture.

The strategy not only mobilises the masses to vote Dr Kizza Besigye but all the candidates from LCI to the president on the IPC/FDC ticket. 

The ‘Power of Five” is likely to be more popularised by the kickoff of the parliamentary campaigns on December 16. 

Wokuri urged IPC candidates to spread the message of the electronic fundraising and the five-recruits per voter to create a chain link to achieve regime change. 

 “IPC has candidates allover the country and has helped fail the NRM from winning posts an opposed at local government level,” she said. 

However the Electoral Commission figures show that 1,270 candidates are contesting for the 238 directly elected MP seats while 443 are standing for the 112 District Women MP seats under affirmative action. 

A total of 367 candidates are standing for the 112 LCV seats across the country. The FDC has 52 flag-bearers for the 112 LCV seats and is second to NRM in fielding the biggest number of candidates on these posts. The FDC has 189 candidates standing for directly elected MPs and 81 for District Women MP seats.

Monday, November 29, 2010

Otunnu’s brother supports Besigye

Every interesting interview in today's Observer in which the brother of presidential candidate Olara Otunnu says Dr. Kizza Besigye is the right man  for the job!

Prof. Ogenga Otunnu, a younger brother to UPC presidential candidate, Olara Otunnu, and former guild president at Makerere University, says in an interview with a correspondent in Chicago, USA. 
He says that the IPC under Dr Kizza Besigye is the most credible opposition to President Museveni’s regime. He says that when Olara Otunnu left the IPC, he weakened the opposition, the UPC and his message of change.

How do you assess your brother Olara Otunnu’s campaign?


I respect my brother a lot. He is one of the brightest, most competent and most dedicated minds anybody will ever encounter. His decision to return to politics in Uganda was a personal decision. It was not a family decision.

Although some of us had published on the genocide in Acholiland and raised the issue with policy makers, humanitarian and human rights organizations, scholars and the public in the Western democracies for over a decade, Olara, given his outstanding international credentials, has, since 2001, been one of the most credible and eloquent voices on the issue. As well, he has successfully, together with Dr. Besigye and others, exposed the myths of the NRM democracy.

His close focus on the Museveni corruption and reign of terror has forced the international community to openly entertain discussions on a post-Museveni Uganda. His singular demand on truth-telling, naming and shaming, and national reconciliation, is another huge contribution to the country.

My own view, which he knows, is that he should operate under the IPC. By leaving the IPC, he has weakened the opposition, the UPC and his message of change.

So, which political party do you support in the forthcoming elections?


I support the FDC and the IPC, under Dr Besigye, as the most credible and most principled opposition to the Museveni regime. The IPC stands for all the things that UPC, DP, UFA, and PPP claim to stand for. There is no inherent contradiction between each party promoting its interests and working together under the IPC and Dr Besigye.

So you are choosing Dr. Besigye over your brother?


This is the problem of Uganda where the current regime has driven us and the way we think. You do not support someone just because he/she is your kin. There is a multitude of issues to consider.
I maintain that the IPC, the coming together of all opposition groups, is the only way to uproot the diabolic system established in Uganda for the last 24 years.

When you were the guild president some people claimed you were UPC. Yet, during the guild elections and your presidency you enjoyed very close ties with the leadership of the DP.  So, which political party did you support then?

When I declared my intention to run for the guild, I received a note inviting me to the UPC Secretariat at the Uganda House. Upon arrival, I was received by Cecilia Ogwal and the late Dent Lakidi. I was taken to a conference room, where seven other students from Makerere were seated.

We were asked to vote for a candidate for the party. I told Ogwal and Lakidi that I was standing as an independent candidate and did not need the anointment or support of any political party. When Ogwal and Lakidi realized that I was not willing to abide by the decision of the secretariat, they took me to an office and tried to “persuade” me by telling me that my decision would affect Olara Otunnu’s position at the UN.

However, I stood by my decision and left for Makerere. That same evening, the UPC branch at Makerere, which was divided into two warring factions: the progressive and democratic faction (“forces of light”) and the undemocratic and violent faction (“forces of darkness”), met to pick a candidate for the party.
After a prolonged deliberation, the “forces of light”, which constituted the majority of the leadership of the party at Makerere, endorsed me as their candidate. Although I was running as an independent, the support of the progressive wing of the party created the appearance that I was a member of the UPC.

This appearance was reinforced by the fact that I met regularly with the progressive wing of the UPC national leadership, including Dr Adonia Tiberonda, Dr Picho Owiny, Prof Isaac Ojok, Dr J.J. Otim, Vice President Paulo Muwanga, and Prime Minister Otema Alimadi.

Our meetings focused on students’ needs and security, and human rights issues in Buganda, western Uganda and West Nile. I raised the same issues in my meetings with President Obote.

In fact, it was during one of my meetings with President Obote that he endorsed my proposal to raise these issues nationally during our tour of the country. Dr Obote personally directed all DCs and security officers to facilitate our national tour.

Although most of our criticism during the tour targeted the Obote government, because it had the sole responsibility to protect every member of our country, we criticized the NRA for the atrocities it committed against unarmed civilians in the Luwero Triangle and in western Uganda.

In fact, the NRA responded to our criticism by trying to disrupt our rallies in Hoima and Kisoro.
The claim that I was a DP member was first popularized by the “forces of darkness’ at Makerere on the eve of the guild elections.

The claim received new life when some leaders of the DP at Makerere, including [professor] Ebil Otto’s campaign manager, Oruni Oloya (brother of the former guild president, Dr Opiyo Oloya), actively campaigned for me.

The appearance that I was a DP member was reinforced by the fact that I travelled to two campaign venues in the same car with my opponent, Ebil Otto. A number of other developments tended to support the claim as well:
  • When the “forces of darkness” learnt that we were planning a strike against them and the university administration, the university outlawed public assembly. We responded by organizing my “birthday party,” which was addressed by the most visible leader of DP: Ebil Otto.
  • I held a number of meetings with the DP national leadership on the situation in the country and the role the guild could play in challenging violations of human rights, especially violations of the rights of our people in the Luwero Triangle, West Nile and western Uganda.
  • We appealed to embassies of Western governments to exert pressure on the government to protect and promote human rights in the country. In fact, a number of governments responded by withholding or withdrawing financial support to the government.
  • During our national tour, which took the leadership of the guild to every district in the country, we publicly named and shamed those government ministers, security organizations and administrators who were terrorizing people.
  • When we went on strike (and three of us spent nearly a week in detention at the CPS), some government supporters erroneously declared that I was a member of DP and that I was collaborating with Gen. Basilio Okello to overthrow the government.
But didn’t you work with the DP when Tito Okello was in power?

The day I completed my final paper at Makerere, I fled the country on the same flight with Dr Adonia Tiberondwa and Mrs Tiberondwa. I sought refuge in Oxford, where my brother, Professor Amii-Omara Otunnu, resided.

When my uncle Gen. Tito “seized” power, his ADC, Col. Kapuchu, called me and said that the leadership of DP had approached my uncle to invite me to return and work with them on an important project.
However, when I returned to Uganda and met with the late Evaristo Nyanzi and some DP leaders, I declined the request to facilitate the demobilization and reintegration of DP leaning armed groups. I told the leadership of the DP and Gen.

Tito that I did not want to work for the government. My uncle supported my decision not to work for the government. I spent a few months in Uganda with my cousin [minister] Oryem Henry Okello and then returned to the UK two months before the NRA seized power.

Why did you flee the country?


Our campaign against the abuse of human rights did not endear me and some of my colleagues at Makerere to the Obote regime. We were very critical of the government conduct in the country which led to disappearances of people.

We were concerned about the civilians that were caught in the crossfire between the rebels and the government forces. Those in government thought that we would only condemn the rebels; we blamed both for the plight of the masses, because both sides failed to adhere to the international rules of war and attacked civilian targets.

So you have never been a member of DP or UPC?


I thought my answer was clear on this; I have never been a member of UPC or DP. I might have sympathized with DP, but this was purely because of its stand on issues of human rights in Uganda. I personally think that there is need for us now to come together and deal with those abusing people’s rights and institute a government that cares about the people of Uganda. I think IPC is one viable vehicle we can effectively utilize to achieve this goal.

Meet Mugumya, Besigye’s loyal lieutenant

In today's Observer, Edris Kiggundu writes about a diehard Besigye fan (pictured) that has risked everything to make sure his hero is safe.

 He is thin, talkative and unrelenting when he wants to be heard. And above all, his love for his boss borders on madness.

If you want to incur the wrath of Sam Mugumya (pictured), an FDC activist, try to do anything that jeopardizes the safety of his boss, Dr Kizza Besigye, the IPC flag bearer and FDC president. His love for Besigye has even led him to mimic his boss.

“Besigye espouses the values I stand for,” Mugumya explains why he likes the retired colonel. “He is an activist.”

During his days at Makerere University in the early 2000s, Mugumya, who was already an opposition activist and a member of the Reform Agenda, Besigye’s 2001 campaign platform, would set public debates alight. He was nicknamed Besigye at the time the FDC leader was exiled in South Africa.

On the campaign trail, Mugumya has been by Besigye’s side to ensure that he is comfortable. He is often the one who buys newspapers early in the morning for Besigye to read before he sets off for rallies. Mugumya, who sits in Besigye’s car and opens the door for him, carries the portable public address system which the candidate uses during brief campaign stops.

He basically does anything to ensure that his boss is comfortable. On a typical campaign day, Mugumya is up by five in the morning and he retires to bed past midnight after ensuring that everything is fine.

Mugumya was born in Rukungiri in 1979 to the late Emmanuel Turyomurugyendo and Edinat in a family of five siblings. He had an eventful childhood, growing up in Kasese where he had his primary education.

“We used to jump on fast moving vehicles for free rides to town,” he says in a tone that suggests he does not regret this dangerous stunt. Later, he joined Muntuyera High School in Ntungamo district for his secondary education.

His closeness to Besigye and activism have landed him in trouble a number of times. Once, he was arrested as he tried to make his way into Bombo army barracks to deliver a Christmas message from his boss.

Growing up, he says, he was stubborn and would at times hide in the ceiling of the dormitories to dodge lessons. But he was also passionate about several causes.